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<h1>THE SOUL OF MAN</h1>
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<p>The chief advantage that would result from the establishment of Socialism
is, undoubtedly, the fact that Socialism would relieve us from that
sordid necessity of living for others which, in the present condition
of things, presses so hardly upon almost everybody. In fact, scarcely
anyone at all escapes.</p>
<p>Now and then, in the course of the century, a great man of science,
like Darwin; a great poet, like Keats; a fine critical spirit, like
M. Renan; a supreme artist, like Flaubert, has been able to isolate
himself, to keep himself out of reach of the clamorous claims of others,
to stand ‘under the shelter of the wall,’ as Plato puts
it, and so to realise the perfection of what was in him, to his own
incomparable gain, and to the incomparable and lasting gain of the whole
world. These, however, are exceptions. The majority of people
spoil their lives by an unhealthy and exaggerated altruism—are
forced, indeed, so to spoil them. They find themselves surrounded
by hideous poverty, by hideous ugliness, by hideous starvation.
It is inevitable that they should be strongly moved by all this.
The emotions of man are stirred more quickly than man’s intelligence;
and, as I pointed out some time ago in an article on the function of
criticism, it is much more easy to have sympathy with suffering than
it is to have sympathy with thought. Accordingly, with admirable,
though misdirected intentions, they very seriously and very sentimentally
set themselves to the task of remedying the evils that they see.
But their remedies do not cure the disease: they merely prolong it.
Indeed, their remedies are part of the disease.</p>
<p>They try to solve the problem of poverty, for instance, by keeping
the poor alive; or, in the case of a very advanced school, by amusing
the poor.</p>
<p>But this is not a solution: it is an aggravation of the difficulty.
The proper aim is to try and reconstruct society on such a basis that
poverty will be impossible. And the altruistic virtues have really
prevented the carrying out of this aim. Just as the worst slave-owners
were those who were kind to their slaves, and so prevented the horror
of the system being realised by those who suffered from it, and understood
by those who contemplated it, so, in the present state of things in
England, the people who do most harm are the people who try to do most
good; and at last we have had the spectacle of men who have really studied
the problem and know the life—educated men who live in the East
End—coming forward and imploring the community to restrain its
altruistic impulses of charity, benevolence, and the like. They
do so on the ground that such charity degrades and demoralises.
They are perfectly right. Charity creates a multitude of sins.</p>
<p>There is also this to be said. It is immoral to use private
property in order to alleviate the horrible evils that result from the
institution of private property. It is both immoral and unfair.</p>
<p>Under Socialism all this will, of course, be altered. There
will be no people living in fetid dens and fetid rags, and bringing
up unhealthy, hunger-pinched children in the midst of impossible and
absolutely repulsive surroundings. The security of society will
not depend, as it does now, on the state of the weather. If a
frost comes we shall not have a hundred thousand men out of work, tramping
about the streets in a state of disgusting misery, or whining to their
neighbours for alms, or crowding round the doors of loathsome shelters
to try and secure a hunch of bread and a night’s unclean lodging.
Each member of the society will share in the general prosperity and
happiness of the society, and if a frost comes no one will practically
be anything the worse.</p>
<p>Upon the other hand, Socialism itself will be of value simply because
it will lead to Individualism.</p>
<p>Socialism, Communism, or whatever one chooses to call it, by converting
private property into public wealth, and substituting co-operation for
competition, will restore society to its proper condition of a thoroughly
healthy organism, and insure the material well-being of each member
of the community. It will, in fact, give Life its proper basis
and its proper environment. But for the full development of Life
to its highest mode of perfection, something more is needed. What
is needed is Individualism. If the Socialism is Authoritarian;
if there are Governments armed with economic power as they are now with
political power; if, in a word, we are to have Industrial Tyrannies,
then the last state of man will be worse than the first. At present,
in consequence of the existence of private property, a great many people
are enabled to develop a certain very limited amount of Individualism.
They are either under no necessity to work for their living, or are
enabled to choose the sphere of activity that is really congenial to
them, and gives them pleasure. These are the poets, the philosophers,
the men of science, the men of culture—in a word, the real men,
the men who have realised themselves, and in whom all Humanity gains
a partial realisation. Upon the other hand, there are a great
many people who, having no private property of their own, and being
always on the brink of sheer starvation, are compelled to do the work
of beasts of burden, to do work that is quite uncongenial to them, and
to which they are forced by the peremptory, unreasonable, degrading
Tyranny of want. These are the poor, and amongst them there is
no grace of manner, or charm of speech, or civilisation, or culture,
or refinement in pleasures, or joy of life. From their collective
force Humanity gains much in material prosperity. But it is only
the material result that it gains, and the man who is poor is in himself
absolutely of no importance. He is merely the infinitesimal atom
of a force that, so far from regarding him, crushes him: indeed, prefers
him crushed, as in that case he is far more obedient.</p>
<p>Of course, it might be said that the Individualism generated under
conditions of private property is not always, or even as a rule, of
a fine or wonderful type, and that the poor, if they have not culture
and charm, have still many virtues. Both these statements would
be quite true. The possession of private property is very often
extremely demoralising, and that is, of course, one of the reasons why
Socialism wants to get rid of the institution. In fact, property
is really a nuisance. Some years ago people went about the country
saying that property has duties. They said it so often and so
tediously that, at last, the Church has begun to say it. One hears
it now from every pulpit. It is perfectly true. Property
not merely has duties, but has so many duties that its possession to
any large extent is a bore. It involves endless claims upon one,
endless attention to business, endless bother. If property had
simply pleasures, we could stand it; but its duties make it unbearable.
In the interest of the rich we must get rid of it. The virtues
of the poor may be readily admitted, and are much to be regretted.
We are often told that the poor are grateful for charity. Some
of them are, no doubt, but the best amongst the poor are never grateful.
They are ungrateful, discontented, disobedient, and rebellious.
They are quite right to be so. Charity they feel to be a ridiculously
inadequate mode of partial restitution, or a sentimental dole, usually
accompanied by some impertinent attempt on the part of the sentimentalist
to tyrannise over their private lives. Why should they be grateful
for the crumbs that fall from the rich man’s table? They
should be seated at the board, and are beginning to know it. As
for being discontented, a man who would not be discontented with such
surroundings and such a low mode of life would be a perfect brute.
Disobedience, in the eyes of anyone who has read history, is man’s
original virtue. It is through disobedience that progress has
been made, through disobedience and through rebellion. Sometimes
the poor are praised for being thrifty. But to recommend thrift
to the poor is both grotesque and insulting. It is like advising
a man who is starving to eat less. For a town or country labourer
to practise thrift would be absolutely immoral. Man should not
be ready to show that he can live like a badly-fed animal. He
should decline to live like that, and should either steal or go on the
rates, which is considered by many to be a form of stealing. As
for begging, it is safer to beg than to take, but it is finer to take
than to beg. No: a poor man who is ungrateful, unthrifty, discontented,
and rebellious, is probably a real personality, and has much in him.
He is at any rate a healthy protest. As for the virtuous poor,
one can pity them, of course, but one cannot possibly admire them.
They have made private terms with the enemy, and sold their birthright
for very bad pottage. They must also be extraordinarily stupid.
I can quite understand a man accepting laws that protect private property,
and admit of its accumulation, as long as he himself is able under those
conditions to realise some form of beautiful and intellectual life.
But it is almost incredible to me how a man whose life is marred and
made hideous by such laws can possibly acquiesce in their continuance.</p>
<p>However, the explanation is not really difficult to find. It
is simply this. Misery and poverty are so absolutely degrading,
and exercise such a paralysing effect over the nature of men, that no
class is ever really conscious of its own suffering. They have
to be told of it by other people, and they often entirely disbelieve
them. What is said by great employers of labour against agitators
is unquestionably true. Agitators are a set of interfering, meddling
people, who come down to some perfectly contented class of the community,
and sow the seeds of discontent amongst them. That is the reason
why agitators are so absolutely necessary. Without them, in our
incomplete state, there would be no advance towards civilisation.
Slavery was put down in America, not in consequence of any action on
the part of the slaves, or even any express desire on their part that
they should be free. It was put down entirely through the grossly
illegal conduct of certain agitators in Boston and elsewhere, who were
not slaves themselves, nor owners of slaves, nor had anything to do
with the question really. It was, undoubtedly, the Abolitionists
who set the torch alight, who began the whole thing. And it is
curious to note that from the slaves themselves they received, not merely
very little assistance, but hardly any sympathy even; and when at the
close of the war the slaves found themselves free, found themselves
indeed so absolutely free that they were free to starve, many of them
bitterly regretted the new state of things. To the thinker, the
most tragic fact in the whole of the French Revolution is not that Marie
Antoinette was killed for being a queen, but that the starved peasant
of the Vendée voluntarily went out to die for the hideous cause
of feudalism.</p>
<p>It is clear, then, that no Authoritarian Socialism will do.
For while under the present system a very large number of people can
lead lives of a certain amount of freedom and expression and happiness,
under an industrial-barrack system, or a system of economic tyranny,
nobody would be able to have any such freedom at all. It is to
be regretted that a portion of our community should be practically in
slavery, but to propose to solve the problem by enslaving the entire
community is childish. Every man must be left quite free to choose
his own work. No form of compulsion must be exercised over him.
If there is, his work will not be good for him, will not be good in
itself, and will not be good for others. And by work I simply
mean activity of any kind.</p>
<p>I hardly think that any Socialist, nowadays, would seriously propose
that an inspector should call every morning at each house to see that
each citizen rose up and did manual labour for eight hours. Humanity
has got beyond that stage, and reserves such a form of life for the
people whom, in a very arbitrary manner, it chooses to call criminals.
But I confess that many of the socialistic views that I have come across
seem to me to be tainted with ideas of authority, if not of actual compulsion.
Of course, authority and compulsion are out of the question. All
association must be quite voluntary. It is only in voluntary associations
that man is fine.</p>
<p>But it may be asked how Individualism, which is now more or less
dependent on the existence of private property for its development,
will benefit by the abolition of such private property. The answer
is very simple. It is true that, under existing conditions, a
few men who have had private means of their own, such as Byron, Shelley,
Browning, Victor Hugo, Baudelaire, and others, have been able to realise
their personality more or less completely. Not one of these men
ever did a single day’s work for hire. They were relieved
from poverty. They had an immense advantage. The question
is whether it would be for the good of Individualism that such an advantage
should be taken away. Let us suppose that it is taken away.
What happens then to Individualism? How will it benefit?</p>
<p>It will benefit in this way. Under the new conditions Individualism
will be far freer, far finer, and far more intensified than it is now.
I am not talking of the great imaginatively-realised Individualism of
such poets as I have mentioned, but of the great actual Individualism
latent and potential in mankind generally. For the recognition
of private property has really harmed Individualism, and obscured it,
by confusing a man with what he possesses. It has led Individualism
entirely astray. It has made gain not growth its aim. So
that man thought that the important thing was to have, and did not know
that the important thing is to be. The true perfection of man
lies, not in what man has, but in what man is.</p>
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